Singlish And Its Discourse Particles English Language Essay

Singlish And Its Discourse Particles English Language Essay Singapore Colloquial English or more fondly known as Singlish contains a number of pragmatic particles that have come under much scrutiny and discussion over the years. These particles have received much attention, and become a distinctive representation of Singlish. Many studies have been done over the years on the use and functions of these particles (Platt 1987; Platt and Ho 1989; Wong, 2004; Gupta, 2006; Lim 2007, 2011). Much work and research have been done on the classification, history, origins and reasons for the emergence of these particles in the use of Singlish (Lim 2007, Gupta 1992). Gupta (1992) proposed a scale of assertiveness of which eleven SCE particles could be placed on in terms of different degrees of assertiveness. Wee (2002) however, took a different stance, and sought to highlight and substantiate the development and possible evolution of Singlish particles in his analysis of the particle lor using the grammaticalisation framework developed by Traugott (1982, 1988, 1989). Platt (1987: 392) gave a more simplified explanation on the function of these pragmatic particles, and claimed that in a sentence, these pragmatic particles convey additional meaning over and above that expressed by the rest of the utterance. This meant t hat a particle holds by itself independent meaning, and when different particles are attached to an utterance, it would produce different meanings. Lee (2007: 2) illustrated this point by using the following example (1): (1) a. I want to drink mah. b. I want to drink lah. c. I want to drink leh. d. I want to drink lor. e. I want to drink hor. f. I want to drink a. In this example, the head clause of I want to drink does not change. According to Lee (2007: 2), the clause-final particles are syntactically and semantically optional, as their omission affects neither the grammaticality nor the basic meaning of the matrix clause. Therefore in SCE, each clause would possess a different meaning and communicative function by virtue of the clause-final particle attached to it. For example in 1(a), mah performs what Gupta (1992: 43) calls a contradictory function. By adding mah, the clause would suggest that it is a contradictory response to a prior utterance, by presenting what is being said as an absolute and obvious fact. In contrast, while lor in 1(d) can perform a similar function to mah of presenting what is being said as an obvious fact, it generates and encompasses other different meanings. According to Guptas (1992: 43) definition again, the central function of the more mildly assertive lo is to mark a directive or to create a suggestion. In my opinion, the point that Gupta makes about a particle having a central function is not necessarily accurate, as a particles usage is based on users preferences and choices, and not based entirely on the effectiveness of a particle in an utterance as suggested by Gupta in her allocating of a primary serving function to the particles. Going back to the main point, 1(d) can now mean that the speaker is suggesti ng an activity (to drink), probably in response to a question such as What do you want to do there?. Thus, it is clearly evident that these particles can change the entire meaning of an utterance. 1.2 Tone in SCE Pragmatic Particles However, the interesting thing about these pragmatic particles is that they, individually, possess many tonal variants. Guptas suggestion that the particles have a central function also reflects the evidence that these particles have multiple meanings and functions. Taking the much studied particle lah for example, Loke and Low (1988) identified a total of nine tonal variants of lah, classifying them into three major groups termed high, mid or low. However there is a general lack of agreement in terms of recognising the tonal quality of particles. There have been studies that suggest the alternative view is true (Detarding, 1994), and that a particle, especially when sentence final, functions as the carrier of the intonation contour of the utterance (Gupta, 1992). This disagreement meant the number of different particles lah remain a mystery (Wong, 2004: 760). However, what is clear from this is that it is very possible for a particle to have at least two different meanings and funct ions which some have argued, is differentiated by tone. Focus has tended to be placed more on Singlish particles as a group, rather than dissecting their various meanings and grammaticality individually. While there is now growing attention and research done in analysing individual Singlish particles (Wee, 2002, 2003; Wong, 2005; Lee, 2007), data and analysis are still lacking in terms of quantity. In this paper I will focus on the particle leh, which is sometimes also written as lei. However, while I am of the view that pragmatic particles in SCE do possess tonal variants, I would like to challenge the notion that the different meanings and functions leh can be categorised into just tonal variants (Lee, 2007), and I argue that there are actually two different particles in leh, which possess tonal variants of their own. This is a significant distinction because these two particles of leh, can be produced with the same tone, yet their meanings differ. I also seek to add on and complement previous research in this area of study. 2. Neglected variant of leh 2.1 Unpopular leh? Leh is seemingly a less frequently used particle, and Wong (2004) suggests that less popular particles such as leh as compared to particles such as lah could be less popular due to it lacking certain components that allow users to express their cultural norms of interaction in everyday speech (2004: 764). In fact, an analysis of the ICE-SIN corpus (containing about 600,000 words) showed leh to be the third least commonly used particle out of 10 particles selected (Ler, 2005). The particles seemingly low occurrence in Singlish utterances and conversations could also be one of the reasons for a lack of attention and research in this area. 2.2 /lɆº/ and /le/ It is notable, and also the central point of focus in this paper, that leh exists in more than one form. By form, it is meant that leh possesses a different version of itself which differs in not just tone, but pronunciation, and also in meaning. When the particle leh is mentioned, the typical representation of it is that of /le/. In this paper, I seek to bring added attention to its heteronym, /lɆº/. It must also be added that within the two separate versions of leh, different meanings and forms of usage can be derived as well, depending on context. Studies in the past have typically mentioned or focused simply on the /le/ version of leh, failing to distinguish the difference between the two versions (Gupta 1992, 1994; Lim, 2004, 2007). Even when the difference in function and meaning is noticed and investigated, a distinction between them fails to be made (Lee, 2007), thus hampering further analysis of /lɆº/ as a separate particle. I contest that previous assumptions are incorrect, and will seek to show the marked distinction in the usage of /le/ and /lɆº/ in this paper. I believe one of the main contributing factors for the lack of distinction of these two different particles, is due to them having an entirely similar Romanised form of leh. I have mentioned earlier that these two particles function as heteronyms. Due to the fact that they have identical Romanised forms, and tone is often not encapsulated in a Romanised script, it breeds a sense of the two particles being the same. While they do share certain traits in terms of meaning, I would like to prove in this study that the range of their meanings would point to them being separate, independent particles. It is also worth noting that the fact that little attention has been paid to the /lɆº/ form of leh could possibly be attributed to it being a somewhat recent development. As mentioned by Lim (2011: 13), Singlish is capable of displaying a continuum of possibilities in prosodic phonology, of more mesolectal and more basilectal features, and Singlish may in fact be viewed as changing, in the more Sinitic-dominant ecology of the recent era, to display more Sinitic features. It is thus worth hypothesising that change had possibly occurred to the particle itself, in the process changing its pronunciation and range of attitudes conveyed. This however, will not be the main focus of the paper. 3. Previous Studies 3.1 Gupta (1992), and Lees (2007) arguments against Gupta (1992) Gupta (1992) analysed a total of 11 different particles in Singlish, and categorised them on a scale of assertiveness. Guptas claim is that these particles can be marked as belonging to three main categories of contradictory, assertive and tentative. According to her, contradictory particles are used in cases where there is an explicit contradiction to something that had been previously said. In her terms, these particles are maximally assertive. Next down the scale is the assertive group, this group consists of particles which express speakers positive commitment (Gupta, 1992: 37) to a particular utterance. Finally, there is the minimally assertive tentative group. Particles in this group present a less positive commitment as compared to the assertive group. Guptas attempt to categorise these particles on a scale of assertiveness have met with some contention and disagreement (Wee, 2002; Wong, 2004). In particular her choice of labelling Singlish particles as being assertive in nature has been challenged, and Wong (2004) suggests that this classification displays an ethnocentric view in that Gupta is taking an Anglo cultural perspective (Wong, 2004: 752). Moreover, I will not be dealing with the contention surrounding Guptas scale of assertiveness in this paper. Gupta (1992) also included a non-pragmatic classification of leh (appears as lei in Guptas paper), which she lists as being used in x-interrogatives which do not have a wh-word, and recaptures a contextually understood antecedent x (Gupta, 1992: 36). This version of leh in question is classified as a high-level tone leh (Platt 1987; Platt and Ho, 1989), and Gupta claims in this way, leh can be translated as What about? when used as a question particle. This is a view first mentioned by Platt (1987), but is not an accurate analysis of the particle. As mentioned by Lee (2007), this translation cannot adequately capture the meaning of every occurrence of leh. As with many other pragmatic particles in SCE, contextual factors play a huge role in the interpretation of the meaning of the particle. While leh can carry the meaning of What about?, it is by no means restricted to such a definition. Lee (2007) takes issue with this particular definition of the question particle leh, and tried to explain how What about? cannot be used in certain contexts with question particle leh. I list out two examples he used to illustrate his point: Lee (2007) (2) A: Everyones here. Lets go. B: Wait. Siew Lian leh? (3) A: Alan will wipe the tables, and John will sweep the floor. B: Then Siew Lian leh? Lee (2007) claims that in (2), the utterance with leh should be Wait. Where is Siew Lian?, and in (3) it would then take the suggested translation of What about?. He goes on to say that this is proof of how high-level tone leh does not necessarily carry the meaning of What about?. What he is trying to explain is that how an utterance is shaped with the use of leh will be shaped by the context of which it is used in. I agree with this view, however, I disagree with how he illustrates his point. This is because in trying to argue for the flexibility of high-level tone leh, he has neglected to acknowledge a similar flexibility in terms of meaning for What about? as well. For example in (2), Wait. What about Siew Lian? can still be construed and understood as a question asking for the whereabouts of Siew Lian. It does not necessarily have to be framed as an explicit question demanding for the whereabouts or location of Siew Lian in Where is Siew Lian. The converse is true for (3), and we can flip Lees (2007) claim against himself by showing that what about Siew Lian could also be translated explicitly as Then what would Siew Lians duties be?. Thus, similar to high-level tone leh as a question particle, What about? is also dependent on context. This can be further illustrated in the following: (4) A: We will all be going to the party at 10. B: What about Tim? Bs utterance can be understood as asking whether Tim would be going to the party as well. However, supposing Tim has fallen very sick and needs someone to be by his bedside. Both A and B know it would be near impossible for Tim to go to the party, and the most immediate concern would be having someone look after Tim. In this case, Bs utterance would be taken to be asking Then whos going to take care of Tim?. Thus, we can see that What about? functions similarly with high-level tone leh in that they depend upon contextual factors for a correct interpretation. As such, Lees (2007) usage of a narrow definition of What about? as an argument is not conclusive evidence for the incorrectness of this definition for high-level tone leh. However, this is where the similarities between them end. Using the following example: (5) A: If Sam comes tonight, we can finish. B: Then he dont come leh? In (5), What about? cannot be used anymore. In such a scenario, What if would be more appropriate, as in What if he doesnt come?. What if and what about have markedly different meanings, and while we will not delve deep into their range of meanings and functions, it can be agreed that they do not carry the same meaning. As we can see then, high-level tone leh can be used more than as What about?. As such, it is incorrect as suggested by Platt (1987) and Platt and Ho (1989) to translate high-level tone leh as simply What about?. While leh in this form can possess such a meaning, it does not necessarily always translate to such a definition. Gupta (1992) also included the maximally assertive leh, and claims that both declaratives and imperatives with leh frequently, but not always, function as directives (1992: 42). She also manages to recognise and identify the /lɆº/ form of leh when she used the following data: (6) [YG finds passing-out parade picture] YG: Soldier is like that one leh? [high rise] AG: Yes She stated that in (6), it meant the statement with leh was made with an expression of surprise. In her words in such a case, the speaker makes an observation, of which there is no doubt, but which is unexpected (Gupta, 1992: 42). This is different from leh the question particle, and leh the assertive particle which she identifies in her paper. Despite identifying this, she fails to distinguish the difference between /lɆº/ and /le/, and treats it as a deviation of the meaning of leh as a result of context, rather than see it as a separate particle. Lee (2007: 6) brings up another point of contention when he suggests this example is a case of misguided induction, caused by the inadvertent use of an isolated example. He goes on to say this is most likely a performance error, whereby the particle is being misused, and claims this is typically unacceptable to a native SCE speaker. First of all, it is not clear as to which pronunciation of leh Gupta is referring to in her excerpt. If the version of leh used is /le/, then indeed the particle does seem out of place in the utterance. In this case, I would agree with Lee that there is a performance error. However, supposing the /lɆº/ version is the one used by the speaker, there would be nothing wrong at all, and it is definitely acceptable. As I will show further in the study, there are examples of native SCE speakers reproducing this leh in other instances. Lee (2007: 6) also continues and suggests the use of the particle meh instead in place of leh as being more appropriate. This is highly incorrect, as this would give the utterance an entirely different meaning. Since this study does not concern the study of meh, I will not dwell on this issue. Moreover, this confusion highlights one of the problems of not distinguishing clearly the two different particles of leh /lɆº/ and /le/. The fact that one of the variants of leh would be out of place in a utterance that would be appropriate with the other, further supports the argument that these two should be treated as two different, separate particles. 3.2 Wee (2004) Wee (2004) in his paper included a different function of leh. He suggests that leh marks an assertion or request as being tentative, and therefore working as a pragmatic softener (2004: 122). In his analysis, Wee (2004) used an excerpt from the GSSEC to display such a softening function: (7) A: Actually†¦ come to think about it actually, er, this movie speaks very badly about men leh. According to Wee (2004), leh softens the opinion that A makes, and signifies that it is a weak opinion, therefore explaining the speakers hesitance and sheepishness in making the statement. However, it is not clear what version of leh the speaker used. In fact, both /lɆº/ and /le/ can be used in such in instance without affecting Wees interpretation. Despite this, I argue that /lɆº/ and /le/ exhibit different states of minds and attitudes of the speaker, and as such cannot be used interchangeably. Both versions exhibit a softening function, however to different degrees. When /lɆº/ is used, it suggests more assertion rather than softening, and the opinion is more forceful than when /le/ is used. For this reason, it is assumed that the /le/ version is the one Wee (2004) is referring to. Wee (2004:122) also used the following: (8) (A and B are talking about a movie) A: But so few people lah, maybe because it has been running for quite some time lah. B: Actually two weeks only leh. Wee again uses this as an example of leh acting as a softener. Once again, it is not clear which leh is used. In this example, if /lɆº/ is used, the assertion of it being two weeks only is much more forceful than that of /le/. It further goes to show how these two particles should be defined properly. I will address the issue of leh being used as a softener later in this paper. 3.3 Lee (2007) Lee (2007) identifies three tonal variants of leh in his paper, and suggests that each particle has its own pragmatic function realised in specific speech contexts. He claims they can be realised in tone 1, tone3 and tone 4 of Mandarin Chinese respectively. In addition to identifying the more commonly known /le/ as leh1, Lee (2007) also correctly identifies /lɆº/ in his paper. He found two tonal variants of it leh3 and leh4. However he too, makes no mention of the differentiation in pronunciation. For the sake of discussion, we will assume that he has made the correct distinction between /lɆº/ and /le/. In marking the variants of /lɆº/, Lee (2007) categorises leh3 as being a marker of intent and leh4 as a marker of assertion. One of the functions Lee (2007) has accorded the use of leh3 is that of reporting a new state of affairs which is assumed to be beyond the addressees knowledge. However, as I will show later in the presentation of data, that this is not necessarily true. Even with speakers knowing that each other has knowledge of a particular piece of information, the particle can be used. Lee (2007) also does not fully expand the section on the usage of the leh4 variant that he calls marker of assertion. He suggests only a subtle distinction between the third of fourth tones of the particle (2007: 15). This is not true, and as data will show, leh4 can capture and reflect different meanings and attitudes of the speaker, including the suggestion of exaggerated emphasis or sarcasm. This as a result would mean more than just a subtle distinction between the two particles. 4. The different forms of leh The data used and presented in this paper have been taken from conversational interactions between Singaporeans using SCE. Because of the naturally occurring circumstances of which these data have been obtained, they are authentic instances of the use of SCE (and thus the use of the leh particles). These data would be analysed and they form the basis of presenting the different forms of leh in this paper. In Lees (2007) study, he separated leh into three different tonal variants, where within one tonal variant the particle could take on different meanings. I would take a similar approach, however I make a marked distinction between the /le/ and /lɆº/ forms of leh. The analysis would be separated into two major parts, with the first part being the more commonly known /le/ version of leh, and the second detailing the /lɆº/ of leh which I will represent with lea. 4.1 /le/ leh The /le/ leh consists of a number of variants, and I will attempt to separate them into their particular functions. 4.1.1 Leh as a Softener realised as tone 1 in Mandarin Chinese As has been categorised by Lee (2007: 7), this leh occurs in the second part of an adjacency pair, whereby the speaker is unable or unwilling to provide a preferred response with respect to a proposition introduced by the addressee in the first part of discourse. Lee calls this the dispreferred second (2007: 7). According to Yule (1996: 79), the preferred is the structurally expected next act and the dispreferred is the structurally unexpected next act. Therefore, disagreements and refusals are next acts which are unexpected. Yule (1996) has found that in English, hesitation and prefaces are used to make a response (as a dispreferred second) less challenging to the first, thereby softening an unexpected next act. In SCE, leh performs a similar function. Thus as mentioned, this leh is used by a speaker in response to something said prior that the speaker does not agree with. This does not necessarily have to be an opinion of which one can blatantly state an agreement or disagreement with, but also requests or false statements. The leh is tagged to the dispreferred second of an utterance, and thus performs a function of softening the blow of an unexpected next act. (9) A: Eh, later after this we go get something to eat. B: Later? I got something on leh. In (9), A is suggesting to B that they go for a meal after their current activity. However, B is unable to make it. In this instance, B is offering a refusal to As invitation. He does not refuse the invitation outright. Rather, he answers the question indirectly by stating that he has something on, which naturally would be taken to mean that he wouldnt be free for As meal invitation. This indirect refusal could be taken to be a way of making the refusal less challenging. Even so, leh is still used to further soften the refusal. Leh is able to perform this softening function because the usage of leh suggests an attitude of a willingness to compromise, or to negotiate a position whether it is an intention the speaker is trying to convey or not. For instance in (9), because the use of leh softens the unexpected next act of refusal, we see the following exchange: (10) A: Eh, later after this we go get something to eat. B: Later? I got something on leh. A: Huh? What thing? Eat lah! B: Cannot lah. The use of leh by B suggests a position of the possibility of negotiation rather than closing the door on any possibility of accepting the invitation with an outright rejection, which explains why A continued by attempting to change Bs mind and getting him to accept the invitation. B clearly did not have the intention to negotiate because he promptly put an end to As attempts to persuade by refusing the invitation outright in his second utterance. Thus, leh performs a softening function in suggesting a position of compromise and willingness to negotiate, therefore making a refusal or rejection less challenging. (11) (A and B are discussing the price of a new phone. A thinks the price is expensive, while B thinks it is a reasonable price) A: Cheap? Then you buy me one lor. B: Please leh, cheap also need money. Buy for you I might as well buy more for myself.

Religion and Various Team Members

What does the Bible say about caring for the sick? How do the roles of the various team members within the healing-hospital blueprint address caring for the sick from a biblical standpoint?The biblical passage supporting caring of the sick is: â€Å"Is anyone among you sick? Let him call for the elders of the Church, and let them pray over him, anointing him with oil in the name of the Lord. And the prayer of faith will save the sick, and the Lord will raise him up. And if he has committed sins, he will be forgiven.† (James 5:14). This scripture states the power of prayer and that God has the direct power to fully heal any illness that overcomes a body. It also means that God has power over someone who is sick or for someone who is praying (elders of the Church), over a sick person, and the power to keep praying until the person is healed. This bible verse also means that if a person is a follower of the Lord they will be relieved of their sickness and their sins will be forgi ven. The roles of various team members in the healing hospital addresses caring for the sick without bias on diversity and individualism. The biblical standpoint is by doing spiritual assessments and interventions for all religions , beliefs , faiths, and allowing the spiritual leader such as a chaplain to perform prayer or practices that allows components of healing.

Family Heritage And Symbols In Everyday Use - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 4 Words: 1064 Downloads: 10 Date added: 2019/06/10 Category Literature Essay Level High school Tags: Everyday Use Essay Did you like this example? One can find out about family heritage through formal instruction; in any case, genuine heritage is passed down from age through their narratives, pictures, and different collections that our families hold dear to their souls. In the short story, Everyday Use, by Alice Walker she teaches us family heritage and symbols; what it is and who can receive it. Two hand sewed quilts turn into the focal point of conflict in the story. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Family Heritage And Symbols In Everyday Use" essay for you Create order They are also used to symbolize the family heritage. A quilt is made up of events, circumstances and influences that shape how one see and respond to the world. In the story, Mama, is the narrator who guides the reader through two different perspectives of her daughters. As the two sisters have diverse appearance and identities, they have alternate point of views on heritage. Walker uses quilts to symbolize the heritage and describes the two girls view on quilts to show their perspectives on heritage. Many may question how can two young women from the same rich inheritance of family, history and community be so different? Initially, Dees point of view on family heritage is not the same as her sister. Whatever her family brings to the table is never enough. Dee is the older sibling, who has wandered from the world she experienced in her childhood, yet never felt a part. The story is set with regards to her returning home from college. Dee considers heritage as something that has an extrinsic value. She trusts that the best possible approach to acknowledge and protect her heritage is to not place it into her regular everyday use, but rather to appreciate it and use it as an accessory. Such a thought is uncovered when Dee says, Maggie cant value these quilts! Shed most likely be in reverse enough to put them to regular use. When the mama asks Dee what she would do with the quilts, she says, Hang them (2378), which demonstrates that Dee thinks about the quilts just as tangible antiques. Moreover, the way Dee dress is different than her family. A dress down to the ground yellows and oranges enough to thro w back the light of the sun. Earrings gold, too Bracelets dangling and making noises Her hair, stands straight up like the wool on a sheep, (2379). This is the manner by which Mama depicts her daughters new appearance. In spite of the fact that Mama does not dislike Dees new African style she is not comfortable with it. Dee had taken on the task to flash her African roots while she failed to understand the true meaning of her heritage. Dee tragically believes that ones heritage is something that one puts on to show. Mama does not show African fashion. In any case she knows the genuine significance of her heritage; something that Dee does not appear to get it. Through Everyday use, Walker conveys that culture and heritage are taught from one generation to the next and it is not suddenly acquired and definitely it is not something that one suddenly puts on. On the other hand, Maggie perspective on heritage is totally different than Deers. Maggie is the younger sister who never left home. The burning down of the house, her stuck-up sister, and society affects Maggie and makes her different from the other characters. Maggie was so damaged from her home torching that she turned into a timid and undervalued young girl. Maggie is for the most part saying Uhnnnh if anything at all through the story. Mom depicts Maggie as a young lady who will stand pitifully plain and embarrassed about the torch scars her arms and legs from the fire, and who feels second rate compared to Dee (2379). These burns and scars that Maggie has might be the reason of her absence of information just on the grounds that she was embarrassed to be in the learning environment. Moreover, the minute Maggie opens her mouth around her sister, its just as Dee was there just to make her life more hopeless, making unforgiving and scornful remarks at Maggie s every word. Maggie s brain is like an elephant s, Wangero said (2380). After rummaging through Maggie s trunk, Dee insisted that her mother let her take the quilts that were put away. Mama told Dee that she was saving them to give to her sister after she married but Maggie said, She can have them, Mama, I can member Grandma Dee without the quilts (2381). Family to Mama and Maggie is not just made up of tangibles. Maggie thinks of family heritage as an attachment to her ancestors. She believes the everyday use of the inherited materials, how much ever value they may retain, will keep her connected to her ancestors. She values the attachment to t he ancestors more than the inherited material itself. Walker compares Maggie with her sister, Dee, to show how society slanders African-American women as well as women in the 1970s. From the beginning of the story, Maggie is depicted as anxious, miserably remaining in the corner. Later she is portrayed as almost hidden from view. On a metaphorical level, Maggie is the image of the absence of power held in the 1970s for women. She is the exemplification of the quiet women. In contrast, Dee is confident, she will look at you without flinching. She fills in as an image of the free, effective present-day women. Her confidence may put on a show of being arrogant, and an excess of pride. By differentiating Maggie and Dee, Walker is communicating the two sides of the women role during that time. All in all, Walker gives the reader the strong impression that Mama has a special partiality for her oldest daughter Dee, and a sentiment of disgrace for her youngest daughter, Maggie. As the story is being told, and eventually comes to its closing, Walker drastically changes the attitude of Mama toward both of her daughters, finally treating each girl as they truly deserve. Walkerrs character Mama gives the readers insight to the thoughts and feelings of a traditional African-American mother of the late 1960s to early 1970s. She has seen her two little girls transform into two altogether different women as they grew up from their childhood. Mama situation in the story is that of a solid parental figure, who has the responsibility of both mother and father for her family.

I Have Always Thought Of My Family As A Big System When

I have always thought of my family as a big system when I was younger. We were private and kept to ourselves most of the time. During events or parties my family held, I could not help but feel like my space was violated. As a student in college, I have had the opportunity to learn more about families and developed a deeper awareness of how my family influenced the way I felt during those situations. One of the theories that have been helpful in understanding to reiterate my family’s interactions and functions is the family system theory. It is described as â€Å"...an arrangement of entities, things that interact to achieve a shared purpose or fulfill functions as a whole and its interrelated parts† (Hardcastle, 2010). There are strengths†¦show more content†¦It is not unusual for them to behave this way. Their lack of flexibility to be open is an aspect of the family, but it is not generalizable to the entire family. Therefore the theory is focused on the abs tract bigger family and does not recognize the facets of an individual within the system. Additionally, I noticed the systems theory does not account for the patriarchal culture within my family. Rather, it assumes families have equal influence on one another because they are a component within the family. When I told my family I wanted to study abroad on global semester, my siblings were very supportive of me while my dad was not thrilled. My mom responded as neutral as can be and said to me â€Å"I don’t know ask your dad.† thus communicating that it upon my dad to allow for me to go. My dad being a Hmong male, normally mandates many decisions and pushes his values on us. It is clear my mom and dad held a different amount of power over decision-making and power is an aspect overlooked in the systems theory but can assist us in seeing the dynamic in families. Cohesion: Separateness and Connectedness There are no deep secrets in my family because we talk to everyone ab out everything. We also rely on one another for assistance and if we cannot find what we are seeking for then we resort to finding additional help outside of the family. If weShow MoreRelatedBel Air Beach - Original Writing977 Words   |  4 PagesStormy nights you can always hear the waves crashing against the big rock. That same big rock is where the older ones sit while basking in the sun and it is the â€Å"mansion† in the young kid’s game of house. Bel Air Beach is a beautiful, rocky beach in Hingham Massachusetts, where I grew up. To many it is a small, private beach but to thirty, lucky families, it is their home. The small dirt road that turns into a swamp when it rains, the smell of salt that seeps through any crack in your house, andRead MoreFamily : A Different Definition Than An Adult Essay1377 Words   |  6 Pages Family can be defined in a verity of different ways and depending who you ask, the answer will vary. A 5-year-old can have a different definition than an adult. Our book Understanding families defines family as â€Å"any unit that defines itself as a family, including individuals who are related by blood or marriage as well as those who have made a commitment to share their lives† (Hanson, 2). The definition of family will be viewed differently in school systems, hospitals, and even legally. SocietyRead MoreSocial Class Reflection1103 Words   |  5 Pagesthis module, I went through chapters seven, eight, and nine. Again like previous modules I learned a great deal. To start out here are my real-life connections and thoughts on chapter seven. 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If there isn’t anyone who could watch them in the mean-time, I would look into child servicesRead MoreSymptoms And Consequences Of The Hospital969 Words   |  4 Pageswith family issues to even no fi nancial stability. These difficulties affect people throughout their whole lifetime even if they conquer their difficulty. Some of effects it leaves on people may be positive or negative depending on the situation. However, it may have both effects because difficulties usually provide both. Something that has been in difficult in my life has been my weak immune system. Since, the day of my birth, I have been getting sick since I was a child. Doctor’s thought I wouldRead MoreAnalysis Of Dalton Conley s Big Girls Don t Cry Essay1493 Words   |  6 Pagesinfluence on my life. I listen to music everywhere, in the car, on my way to class, at the gym, etc. The reason I love music so much is because there are so many songs about so many topics. When I found out that we were assigned to write an essay on a song that we loved and relate to a real life issue that we read about in our text, I was excited. I love analyzing the music I’m listening to and making sure I know what the artist is talking about rather than just blindly listening to the song. I chose toRead MoreFamily Is Important For Our Lives1511 Words   |  7 PagesThe word family is very important as they are the supporting pillars in our lives. Thus family is defined as a group of individuals who share ties of blood, marriage, or adoption; a group residing together and consisting of parents, children, and other relatives by blood or marriage; a group of individuals residing together who have consented to an arrangement similar to ties of blood or marriage. www.yourdictionary.com. 2010). Family is important as it helps in shaping our lives, teaches us selfRead MoreThe Perspectives Of Leadership And Leadership1223 Words   |  5 PagesI have spent several days trying to start writing this assignment. I was afraid to start because I have never tried to write a story about myself. I promise to do the best. The perspectives of leadership are different from one to another. People have their own stores and their own concepts of leadership. We all have that sense of leadership. Sometimes the events create the leaders. Always there is a need of leaders in families, communities, or nations. We found ourselves influenced by others positivelyRead MoreFamily Systems Differ from Home to Home Essay768 Words   |  4 PagesEveryone has an ideal view of what a family system should be and how it should be ran. However in today’s society it is very difficult to always follow what others think due to the lack of love and trust within individuals who decide that in the moment a family is what they want until the time comes and a family is not what they can handle. As a young child, I grew up with both parents, and thought that life was superb. However things did not last long and I soon was a product of a single parentRead MoreJuvenile Probation Officers Work With High Risk Teens960 Words   |  4 Pagestheir peers, family, work, school and involved activities. People like K elly do there best to try and keep juveniles out of the adult system and further criminal systems. Over the course of Kelly’s visit she talked about many things some main points being; Her caseload and how she manages it, the main kinds of cases she deals with, and the court experience of people in the juvenile system. Kelly stated that at one time she could have up to thirtyfive cases. She would usually have cases of kids